Speakers

All the conference speakers

Selina Hossain
Selina Hossain Special Session
Novelist, President of Bangladesh History Olympiad National Committee Bangladesh

28 August, 2020 I 5.00 PM
Speech Title : One Night of August : A novel-Anecdote of history (আগস্টের এক রাত : একটি উপন্যাস-ইতিহাসের উপখ্যান)

ইতিহাসের ঘটনা শুধু ইতিহাসে সীমাবদ্ধ থাকে না। সেইসব উপাখ্যানে পরিণত হয়। ‘আগস্টের এক রাত’ মানবিক উপাখ্যানের চিরায়ত গল্পকথা, যেখানে জীবন-মৃত্যুর পাশাপাশি মানুষের নৃশংসতাও ইতিহাসের পৃষ্ঠায় এক গভীর সত্য।‘আগস্টের একরাত’ বঙ্গবন্ধু ও তার পরিবারের হত্যাকান্ডের পটভূমিতে রচিত ৬১ জন সাক্ষী আদালতে জবানবন্দি দিয়েছিলেন। সাক্ষীদের এইসব জবানবন্দি কাহিনীর প্রয়োজনে উপন্যাসজুড়ে ব্যবহ্নত হয়েছে। লেখক একদিকে গল্প বানিয়েছেন অন্যদিকে জবানবন্দি উপস্থাপন করে ঘটনার বিবরণ সংযুক্ত করেছেন। ফলে উপন্যাসে সাধু ও চলিত ভাষার ব্যবহার অনিবার্য ছিল। নিঃসন্দেহে বলা যায় ভাষার এই দুই ধারা উপন্যাসের আঙ্গিকে ভিন্নতা এনেছে। এই উপন্যাসের কেন্দ্রেীয় চরিত্ররা মৃত। ভিন্নধর্মী আঙ্গিকের কারণে উপন্যাসের সময় উথাল পাথাল চরিত্র। কাহিনী নির্মানের প্রয়োজনে সময়ের ধারাবাহিকতায় আগপিছ করা হয়েছে। এই আগপিছ উপন্যাসের আঙ্গিক-বিন্যাস।শিল্পের সাধনা পাঠকের নান্দনিক বোধের তৃষ্ণা মেটায়। যে কোনো ধরণের প্রচেষ্টা শিল্পের সুষমাকে প্রাণবন্ত করে। 

Anisul Hoque
Anisul HoqueSpeaker : 01anisulhoque1971@gmail.com
Poet, Writer & Journalist

16 August, 2020 I 08.15 PM
Speech Title : Bangabandhu’s childhood & Articulation of political consciousness

Some stories of Khoka 

(Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s parents used to adoringly called Khoka as nick name)

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in 1920, Now 2020, that’s means 100th Birthday going on. His nick name was Khoka. Let’s began some stories of Khoka, how was his childhood. Stories are

  • Khoka fell down into river when boat sinks,
  • Khoka sleeps with holding Father’s neck.
  • Illness of Khoka
  • Khoka married when he was teen
  • Khoka joins Swadeshi Movement of Subhas Bose in Madaripur
  • Khoka became a student of Abdul Hamid BSc
  • The ministers came in School
  • Football match between Mujib team and Father's team
  • Mujib obey too much his father
  • 104°c fever during Exam time
  • Mujib Generous since childhood”

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=777617803052037&extid=TppZdQ2sLNHhX5rG

Priyojit Debsarkar
Priyojit DebsarkarSpeakers-02 priyajit54@gmail.com
Researcher

16 August, 2020 I 09.30 PM
Speech Title : Agartala conspiracy case & Bangabandhu

Agartalla Conspiracy Case, constructed by the despot dictator Ayub Khan and the brutal military regime, had the only one objective to obstruct Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s vision, voice. Diametric opposite result transpired as the result. Bongobondhu (Friend of Bengal) would be transformed into the undisputed leader of the people and single-handily maneuvered the democratic mandate of the masses as per the perhaps the only free and fair elections in the history of Pakistan since 1947. The sham of a trial was always a tool in the hands of the military establishment in the history of the Sub Continent be it the tail of Sri Aurobindo Ghos in 1908, the Meerut Conspiracy Case in 1930, the Indian National Army trials in 1945.

https://youtu.be/xiknggEebEI

Dr.Ashis Kumar Das
Dr.Ashis Kumar DasSpeakers-03 ashisrbu@gmail.com
Historian

17 August, 2020 I 07.00 PM
Speech Title :Bangabandhu's youth life and politics in Kolkata

I will presente my research article in the first webinar to mark the birth centenary of   Father of The Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the title of this webinar ''Greatest Bengali of All time : Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. '' Bangabandhu's youth life and politics in Kolkata" are drawn in my articles.

The student life in Kolkata ( formerly Calcutta) at the young age played a vital role to build up His  sense of human- social life and politics.  I will discuss  about an analysis how Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were influenced mentally and politically,   Specially ,the Politics of All-India Muslim League as known Muslim league, the Famines, The Calcutta Riots during his time in Kolkata on   the basis of his written book " The Unfinished Memoirs by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman".

 Professor Dr. Sharifuddin Ahmed
Professor Dr. Sharifuddin AhmedSpeakers-04
Professor and the Chairman of the Department History and Philosophy of North South University, Bangladesh.

17 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title : Anti- Ayub Movement and the Mass Uprising of 1969 & The Role of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

The imposition of Martial Law by the President of Pakistan on 7 October 1958 signaled the imminent danger to the nascent democracy in the country. Many could not even believe that only in the 11th year of the country’s independent existence such a turn in the political life of Pakistan could take place. However, the way the country was being run at the time it only indicated such a predictable consequence. It was noticed that immediately after the independence some vested groups and individuals were trying to usurp power and establish their hegemony over the running of the country. In this regard particularly the high-ups of the army displayed too much of their eagerness. Thus the military coup of the Army Chief General Muhammad Ayub Khan was not at all unexpected. But what would be the consequences of such a step for Pakistan, not many Pakistanis could realize that. But one person could visualize it very clearly and that was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Having closely watched the political developments of the country, Bangabandhu in 1958 envisaged that the future of a true democracy in Pakistan was clouded in darkness. At the same time he also realized that the consequences of the failure of democracy in Pakistan would be catastrophic for his beloved motherland East Bengal. In an undemocratic set up the political, economic, social and cultural life of East Bengal would become unbearable. However, it was the fulfillment  of an autonomous East Bengal and the total emancipation of the public life of the Bengali people was his life’s dream and a solemn vow. But he also felt that the way Pakistan was then moving in its political and economic arenas such a freedom for his motherland could not be achieved.  For this, political freedom was a must – East Bengal must become an independent state – if need be a free and sovereign Bangladesh.

Bangabandhu, however, kept such ideas of him formulated in around 1958 about the future of East Bengal to himself, and for the time being plunged enthusiastically in the public life of Pakistan. The consequences were however tragic. It brought upon him the total wrath of Ayub Khan who meted out one oppressive measure after another upon him. On the other hand, Ayub successfully marched ahead with his autocratic rule.

In order to keep himself in power for a long period Ayub Khan began to introduce one measure after another; created a new state system suitable to prolong his rule even made himself a pseudo – democratic leader. For this he presented a new Constitution and introduced the Basic Democracy system. Ayub’s dream Pakistan was however, soon broken into pieces, and the man who destroyed it  was none other than Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who carried out a relentless opposition to Ayub’s rule.  But Mujib’s principal aim was, however, to achieve the emancipation of East Bengal.

In February 1966 in Lahore, Mujib, while attending a Conference of the Opposition Leaders, unveiled his famous “Six Points Programme” demanding the full autonomous status of East Bengal thereby freeing it from the oppressive and exploitative clutches of West Pakistani   vested interests. Ayub Khan and his accomplices in West Pakistan became alarmed. In his quick reaction Ayub called Mujib  ‘ a traitor’ and ‘ an enemy of Pakistan’. But Bangabandhu did not lose courage or his fighting spirit.  Rather he bounced back and carried out a massive campaign in East Bengal with his Six Points in order to put an end to Ayub’s rule. Ayub reacted ruthlessly- arrest, imprisonment followed and finally came the infamous ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’. However, such measures backfired. Meanwhile, as a result of Mujib’s campaign for Six Points a voice of protest had aroused throughout East Bengal- students, political activists and the general public of East Bengal realized how the ruling clique of West Pakistan was exploiting the people of East Bengal for such a long time and reacted. They also found out that in this long history of exploitation, the latest lead was being given by President Ayub Khan and his accomplices in West and East Pakistan. Thus when Ayub government attempted to politically finish Sheikh Mujib by bringing in a false case against  him named ‘ Agartala Conspiracy Case’, the people of East Bengal specially  students vigorously reacted and protested strongly.  This led to the Anti-Ayub Movement in East Bengal which eventually spread all over Pakistan. Despite Ayub’s desperate attempts to control it by using forces – arrests, imprisonment, killing, engaging hoodlums and even armed forces - he could not save his government, and he was ousted. In this whole episode the principal role was played by Bangabandhu and his Six Points Programme.

In the present paper, I would dwell upon the above mentioned  issues and events  in order to highlight the history of Pakistan and the role of Bangabandhu  in the  liberation struggle of Bangladesh.*

(৭ অক্টোবর ১৯৫৮ সালে পাকিস্তানে সামরিক শাসন জারি হওয়ার সাথে সাথে পাকিস্তানের গণতন্ত্র প্রতিষ্ঠার পথে এক অশনী সংকেত বেজে উঠে। মাত্র এগার বছরের মাথায় এই নতুন রাষ্ট্রের চলার পথে এমনি এক অভাবনীয় ঘটনা ঘটতে পারে তা অনেকের কাছে অবিশ্বাস্য মনে হয়। তবে যেভাবে পাকিস্তান রাষ্ট্র পরিচালনা চলছিল তা এমনি ঘটনার দিকেই ইঙ্গিত করে। স্বাধীনতার পরপরই পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্র পরিচালনার ক্ষেত্রে কিছু ব্যক্তি ও গোষ্ঠীর ক্ষমতা কুক্ষিগত করার তৎপরতা লক্ষণীয় ছিল। আর এক্ষেত্রে সামরিক বাহিনীর প্রধানগণ বেশিই তৎপর ছিলেন। তাই সেনাপ্রধান আইয়ুব খানের সামরিক অভ্যুত্থান মোটেই অস্বাভাবিক ছিল না। তবে এর সুদূরপ্রসারি ফল কি হবে তা অনেকে উপলব্ধি করতে পারেন নি। তবে একজন বিষয়টি উপলব্ধি করতে পেরেছিলেন তিনি হলেন বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান।

১৯৫৮ সালেই বঙ্গবন্ধু উপলব্ধি করেছিলেন যে, পাকিস্থানে সত্যিকার অর্থে গণতন্ত্র প্রতিষ্ঠার ভবিষ্যৎ অন্ধকার। একই সাথে তিনি উপলব্ধি করেছিলেন যে এর ফলাফল তার প্রিয় মাতৃভূমি পূর্ব বাংলার জন্য হয়ে উঠবে ভয়াবহ। পূর্ব বাংলার রাজনৈতিক, অর্থনৈতিক, সামাজিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক জীবন হয়ে উঠবে অসহনীয়। আর এই পূর্ব বাংলার স্বাধিকার ও জনগণের জীবনের সার্বিক মুক্তি আনাই ছিল তার জীবনের ব্রত। তবে তিনি এও উপলব্ধি করেছিলেন যে পাকিস্তান যেভাবে চলছে সেখানে এই মুক্তি পাওয়া সম্ভব নয়। এর জন্য প্রয়োজন রাজনৈতিক স্বাধীনতা, পূর্ব বাংলাকে হতে হবে স্বাধীন রাষ্ট্র বাংলাদেশ।

বঙ্গবন্ধু এই চিন্তাধারাটিকে  নিজের কাছেই রেখে পাকিস্তানের জন জীবনের সাথে নিজেকে জড়িয়ে ফেলেন। শুরু হয় একদিকে তার উপর অত্যাচার, আর অন্যদিকে আইয়ুব খানের দাপটে এগিয়ে যাওয়ার ইতিহাস।  নিজেকে বহুকালের জন্য ক্ষমতাসীন রাখার উদ্দেশ্যে আইয়ুব খান একটার পর একটা পদক্ষেপ নিতে থাকেন। তৈরি করেন তার নিজের চিন্তার রাষ্ট্র শাসন ব্যবস্থা, এমনকি সেজে উঠেন গণতান্ত্রিক নেতা। আর এ জন্য প্রস্তুত করেন এক নতুন সংবিধান- উপহার দেন মৌলিক গণতন্ত্র। দুর্ভাগ্যবশত আইয়ুব খানের স্বপ্নের রাজ্য ভেঙে খান খান হয়ে যায়, আর এই স্বপ্ন ভেঙে দেওয়ার মূল সৈনিক ছিলেন বঙ্গবন্ধু -যিনি তাঁর সংগ্রাম পরিচালনা করেন পূর্ব বাংলার মুক্তির জন্য।

১৯৬৬ সালের ফেব্রুয়ারি মাসে তিনি লাহোরে উন্মোচন করেন তাঁর বিখ্যাত ছয় দফা। আইয়ুব খান এবং পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানে তার দোসররা প্রমাদ গুনলেন। আইয়ুব খান বঙ্গবন্ধুকে আখ্যায়িত করলেন ‘বিশ্বাসঘাতক’, ‘পাকিস্তানের শত্রু’।  বঙ্গবন্ধু দমলেন না,বরঞ্চ তার ছয় দফা আন্দোলন নিয়ে আইয়ুব শাসনকে বিদায় জানাতে সংগ্রামে নামলেন।   নেমে আসে তার ওপর নিপীড়ন – গ্রেপ্তার, জেল অবশেষে ‘আগরতলা ষড়যন্ত্র মামলা’। তবে ফল হলো উল্টো। ইতিমধ্যেই বঙ্গবন্ধু তাঁর ছয় দফা নিয়ে সারাদেশে মুক্তি সংগ্রামের জোয়ার তোলে- ছাত্র, নেতা, সাধারণ জনগণ বুঝতে পারে কি করে পাকিস্তানের শাসকগোষ্ঠী পূর্ব বাংলার মানুষকে শোষণ করছে। আর এ ক্ষেত্রে সর্বশেষ নেতৃত্ব দিচ্ছেন আইয়ুব খান এবং তার দোসররা -পশ্চিম পাকিস্তান ও পূর্ব বাংলার উভয় স্থানেই।

তাই 'আগরতলা ষড়যন্ত্র মামলা' নামে এক মিথ্যে মামলা সাজিয়ে বঙ্গবন্ধুকে শেষ করার প্রচেষ্টা অবতরণে পূর্ববাংলার জনগণ ফুঁসে ওঠে, বিশেষ করে ছাত্ররা। শুরু হয় আইয়ুব বিরোধী আন্দোলন যা আইয়ুব খান শত প্রচেষ্টাও – জেল,হত্যা, লাঠিয়াল বাহিনী, সশস্ত্র বাহিনী কোন কিছু দিয়েই ঠেকাতে পারলেন না। তাকে বিদায় নিতে হলো আর এ ক্ষেত্রে মুখ্য ভূমিকা পালন করেন বঙ্গবন্ধু আর তার ছয় দফা আন্দোলন । আলোচ্য প্রবন্ধে এই বিষয়গুলি নিয়েই পাকিস্তানের ইতিহাস এবং পূর্ববাংলার মুক্তি সংগ্রামে বঙ্গবন্ধুর ভূমিকার আলোচনা করা হবে।)

https://youtu.be/E5EFcZZyfFA

Professor Dr. Md. Atiar Rahman
Professor Dr. Md. Atiar RahmanSpeakers-05 nasir8891@gmail.com
Professor and Chairman Dept. of Islamic History & Culture Jagannath University. Dhaka

18 August, 2020 I 07.00 PM
Speech Title : Student Life and Political Activities of Bangabandhu at Dhaka University

Abstract of the article: Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujir Rahman is the greatest Bengali and struggling hero of the great age. He is the founder of the nation-state of Bangladesh and the father of the nation. From his school days, he developed leadership qualities and came in contact with contemporary politics. Through continuous movement and struggle, he became the firebrand of realizing the rights of the Bengali nation. As a graduate and former yang student leader of Calcutta Islamia College, he was get admitted to Dhaka University in September 1948 in the Department of Law. Beyond school and college, this university was the third field of his political life. Upon his arrival at the new institution, he actively participated in the student-employee movement. Simultaneously, outside the university Bangabandhu was involved in youth movement and  was one of the main initiators forming Ganatantrik Juba League, a new political organization. Naturally, He came to the forefront of the movement at Dhaka University and in just four months formed the East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League at the beginning of 1947 and introduced visionary political leadership. In this context of the contemporary political situation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was imprisoned for actively participating in the language movement initiated at Dhaka University in early 1947. However, after his release, the young leaders, including Mujib, embarked on a daring task of building public opinion against the Pakistani government. During his university life, Bangabandhu started his political activities in East Pakistan by associating with leaders and activists like Tajuddin at Mughaltuli's Party House. Student leader Sheikh Mujib was arrested in 1949 for leading a strike to demand the fourth class employees of the university, and the university authorities finally canceled his studentship. Thus, in less than two years, his student life came to an end from Dhaka University. Sheikh Mujib later transformed himself into a great national leader by his leadership qualities, qualifications and skills. However, despite being a national leader, he remained close to Dhaka University; As a result, his involvement in all the democratic and logical movements and struggles here can be seen. This article is an attempt to present a description of Bangabandhu's political activities in Dhaka University life.
{বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিুর রহমান মহাকালের সর্বশ্রেষ্ঠ বাঙালি ও সংগ্রামী মহানায়ক। তিনি বাংলাদেশ জাতি রাষ্ট্রের প্রতিষ্ঠাতা ও বাঙালি জাতির জনক। স্কুলজীবন থেকেই তার মধ্যে নেতৃত্বের গুণাবলীর স্ফুরণ ঘটে এবং তিনি সমকালীন রাজনীতির সংস্পর্শে আসেন। ধারাবাহিক আন্দোলন-সংগ্রামের মধ্য দিয়ে কালেকালে তিনি হয়ে ওঠেন বাঙালি জাতির অধিকার আদায়ের অগ্নিপুরুষ। কলকাতার ইসলামিয়া কলেজের স্নাতক ও প্রাক্তন তরুণ ছাত্রনেতা শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান

১৯৪৭ সালের সেপ্টেম্বরে ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে ভর্তি হন আইন বিভাগে। স্কুল ও কলেজ পেরিয়ে এই বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় ছিল তার রাজনৈতিক জীবনের তৃতীয় ক্ষেত্র। নতুন প্রতিষ্ঠানে এসেই তিনি ছাত্র-কর্মচারীদের আন্দোলনে সক্রিয়ভাবে অংশ গ্রহণ করেন। তার আগে ঢাকায় তিনি যুব আন্দোলনও সাংগাঠনিক কাজে সম্পৃক্ত হন।বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে ভর্তি হওয়ার কিছু দিন পূর্বে গণতান্ত্রিক যুবলীগ নামক একটি নতুন রাজনৈতিক সংগঠন গড়ে তোলার অন্যতম প্রধান উদ্যেক্তা ছিলেন বঙ্গবন্ধু। স্বাভাবিক কারণেই তিনি ঢাকাবিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের ছাত্র-আন্দেলনে নেতৃত্বে এগিয়ে আসেন এবং মাত্র চার মাসের মধ্যে ১৯৪৮ সালের সূচনালগ্নে পূর্ব-পাকিস্তান মুসলিম ছাত্রলীগ গঠন করে দূরদর্শি রাজনৈতিক নেতৃত্বের পরিচয় দেন।সমকালীন রাজনৈতিক অবস্থার প্রেক্ষাপটে ১৯৪৮ সালের গোড়ার দিকে ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে সূচিত ভাষা আন্দেলনে সক্রিয়ভাবে অংশগ্রহণের দায়ে কারারুদ্ধ হন শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান।তবে কারামুক্ত হয়েই মুজিবসহ তরুণ নেতৃবৃন্দ পাকিস্তান সরকারের বিরুদ্ধে জনমত গড়ে তোলার দুঃসাহসী কাজে আত্ম নিয়োগ করেন।বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় জীবনে বঙ্গবন্ধু মোগল টুলিরপার্টি হাউজ নামক বাড়িতে তাজউদ্দীন প্রমুখ নেতা কর্মিদের সঙ্গে সম্পর্কিত হয়ে পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে রাজনৈতিককর্মকাণ্ডের সূত্রপাত ঘটান।

১৯৪৯ সালে বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের চতুর্থ শ্রেণির কর্মচারীদের দাবি আদায়ের আন্দোলন-ধর্মঘটে নেতৃত্বদানের দায়ে ছাত্রনেতা শেখ মুজিব গ্রেপ্তার হন এবং শেষ পর্যন্ত বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় কর্তৃপক্ষ তাঁর ছাত্রত্ব বাতিল করেন। এভাবে মাত্র দুবছরেরও কম সময়ের মধ্যে ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় থেকে তাঁর ছাত্র জীবনের পরিসমাপ্তি ঘটে।পরবর্তিতে শেখ মুজিব তাঁর নেতৃত্বের গুণাবলী, যোগ্যতা ও দক্ষতা দ্বারা নিজেকে একজন মহান জাতীয় নেতায় পরিণত করেন। তবে জাতীয় নেতা হলেও ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের সঙ্গে তাঁর নেকট্য তা রয়ে যায়; যার ফলে এখানকার সকল গণতান্ত্রিক ও যৌক্তিক আন্দোলন-সংগ্রামে তাঁর সংশ্লিষ্টতা দেখা যায়।আলোচ্য প্রবন্ধটি ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়-জীবনে বঙ্গবন্ধুর রাজনৈতিক কর্মকাণ্ডে একটি বিবরণ উপস্থাপনের প্রয়াস।}

https://youtu.be/p5YO3p9wWpY

Dr. Jebunnessa
Dr. JebunnessaSpeakers-06bdholympiad@gmail.com
M.Phil (DU), PhD (India) Associate Professor and Chairperson Department of Public Administration Jahangirnagar University Savar, Dhaka Bangladesh

19 August, 2020 I 07.00 PM
Speech Title : Pakistan movement & Bangabandhu’s role in 1946 riot.

১৯২০ সনের ১৭মার্চ গোপালগঞ্জের টুঙ্গিপাড়ায় জন্মগ্রহণকারী শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান একদিন বাঙ্গালির অবিসংবাদিত নেতা হবেন হয়ত বুঝা গিয়েছিল যখন তিনি ১৯৩৪ইং সনে চতুর্থ শ্রেণী থেকে তিনি খেলাাধূলা,গান,ব্রতচারি করতেন। ১৯৩৬ সালে তিনি যখন সপ্তম শ্রেণীর ছাত্র তখন তিনি মাদারীপুরে যোগ দেন ইংরেজবিরোধী স্বাধীনতা সংগ্রামে । এই মহান নেতার রাজনেতিক আর্বতে বিভিন্ন আন্দোলনে অংশগ্রহণের মধ্য দিয়ে শেখ মুজিব পরবর্তীকালে ‘বঙ্গবন্ধু’ এবং ‘জাতির জনক’ ,হাজার বছরের শ্রেষ্ঠ বাঙ্গালী রূপে আবিভূর্ত হয়েছেন। নানা পথ পরিক্রমা এবং কারাবাস জীবনযাপন করে বঙ্গবন্ধুর নেতৃত্ব বিশে^র দরবারে একজন সম্মোহনী নেতা হিসেবে অনন্যসাধারণ দৃষ্টান্ত স্থাপন করেছে। যা পরবর্তী প্রজন্মের জন্য অনুসরণীয়। তাঁর লিখিত ‘অসমাপ্ত আত্মজীবনী’ এবং ইতিহাসসংক্রান্ত বিভিন্ন গ্রন্থ পর্যালোচনা করলে এতটুকু সুষ্পষ্টভাবে প্রতীয়মান যে, ১৯৪৬ সালে হিন্দু মুসলমান দাঙ্গারোধে বঙ্গবন্ধরু গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভূমিকা ছিল। মনে প্রাণে একজন অসাম্প্রদায়িক মানুষের নানা আন্দোলন,বিশেষ করে পাকিস্তান আন্দোলন এবং ১৯৪৬ সালের সাম্প্রদায়িক দাঙ্গায় শেখ মুজিবের ভূমিকা নিয়ে আলোচনা উক্ত প্রবন্ধের উপজীব্য বিষয়।

https://youtu.be/bfUj47gEjyg

Professor Dr. Swarochish Sarker
Professor Dr. Swarochish SarkerSpeakers-07bdholympiad@gmail.com
Writer & Researcher

20 August, 2020 I 07.00 PM
Speech Title : Bangabandhu & Bangla language.

বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান ছিলেন মনেপ্রাণে বাঙালি জাতীয়তাবাদী। এই জাতীয়তাবাদের মূলে রয়েছে বাংলা ভাষা, আবার এই জাতীয়তাবাদ বাংলাদেশের জন্মের মূল কারণ। এদিক দিয়ে বাংলা ভাষা বঙ্গবন্ধু আর বাংলাদেশ এক সুতোয় গাঁথা। একটি আন্তর্জাতিক ভাষা হিসেবে বাংলা ভাষা প্রতিষ্ঠা পাক, তিনি তা চাইতেন। বায়ান্ন সালের ভাষা আন্দোলনে তিনি নেতৃত্ব দিয়েছিলেন। পঞ্চাশ ও ষাটের দশকের রাজনৈতিক কর্মকাণ্ডে বাংলা ভাষার মর্যাদা প্রতিষ্ঠার ব্যাপারে তিনি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভূমিকা রেখেছেন।  বাংলাদেশের সংবিধান তাঁর উদ্যোগে বাংলা ভাষায় প্রণীত হয়েছে। জাতিসংঘের সাধারণ সভায় তিনি বাংলা ভাষায় বক্তৃতা দিয়েছেন। স্বাধীন বাংলাদেশের প্রশাসনিক কর্মকাণ্ড, বিচারকাজ, গণশিক্ষা ও উচ্চশিক্ষা, এমনকি আন্তর্জাতিক যোগাযোগের ক্ষেত্রেও তিনি বাংলা ভাষা ব্যবহারের পক্ষপাতী ছিলেন।

Professor Dr. A H M Zehadul Karim,
Professor Dr. A H M Zehadul Karim,Speakers-08bdholympiad@gmail.com
BA (Hons), MA in Sociology (Dhaka). MA in Anthropology (Syracuse, USA). PhD in Anthropology (Syracuse, USA). Cert in South Asian Studies (USA). Studied Sociology at the MA level for one year at Lakehead University (Canada). Department of Anthropology Jagannath University, Dhaka-1100. Bangladesh.

20 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title : Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Non-cooperation Movement of March 1971: A Glimpse from the History.

Abstract of the article: 

General Yahya Khan was the second military ruler of Pakistan who took power from his predecessor, General Ayub Khan on 25 March, 1969 and later he held a national election in the country in 1970. Awami League won this election with a landslide victory capturing 160 parliamentary positions in the National Assembly of Pakistan which gave Mujib a clear right to form the Government in the country but it was not conceded by Bhutto from West Pakistan who won 81 seats in the Parliament; it is a clear mockery for democracy which is constitutionally unacceptable. Consequently, a deliberate political deadlock was purposefully created by Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto with a kind of indirect support from Pakistani Army and they intentionally denied the legal democratic claim of Bangabandhu to be the Prime Minister of Pakistan which is contemptuously ridiculing. Following this squabble, Yahya deceived Bangabandhu and his countrymen in the name of negotiations through Round Table Conference at that time. While Mujib after the election was repeatedly asking to call for the Parliament, Yahya Khan after making so many fowl strategies finally postponed the Assembly suddenly on 1st March 1971 which further aggravated the political crisis in the eastern part of the country. In this context, a kind of suspicion in the mind of the East Pakistanis about the unwillingness on the part of Pakistani army to hand over power to the civil government especially to Sheikh Mujib appeared to come true. Hence, it was followed by a huge public resentment creating a total outburst in East Pakistan and Mujib had to come up with his new plans immediately.  People became violent, and spontaneous demonstrations in the form of mass upsurge from all parts of the country further accelerated the protest, and Mujib straight away called for a public meeting at Dhaka Paltan Maidan on 3rd March declaring a civil disobedience or non-cooperation movement in the country instantly. Historically, it is evidenced that “Non-Cooperation Movement of Mujib of March 1971” was very spontaneous and the people throughout the country responded to it very enthusiastically; this non-cooperation movement of Bangabandhu even to some extent, surpassed Mahatma Gandhi’s one against the British. This paper deals more specifically from historical perspective some important aspects of Bangabandhu’s Non-Cooperation Movement of March 1971 providing with some socio-political background of it.  

 Mofidul Hoque
Mofidul HoqueSpeakers-09bdholympiad@gmail.com
Mofidul Hoque is the director of the Center for the Study of Genocide and Justice, where he advances his vision of peace both nationally and globally. He is the key organizer of five International Conferences on Bangladesh Genocide and Justice, one being held recently in Dhaka in May, 2017. Mofidul is also an author and social activist of repute. He has written more than a dozen books on socio-cultural study and history. He has been awarded with the Bangla Academy Literary Prize and the "Ekushey Padak" National Award. He is the founder-trustee of the Liberation War Museum, a people's organization established in 1996. He directs the Oral History Project of the museum which has accumulated more than 40,000 eye-witness accounts of history. He is involved in promoting justice for genocide victims and the concept of peace and tolerance in society. Mofidul completed his M.A. in sociology at Dhaka University.

21 August, 2020 I 07.00 PM
Speech Title : Significance of 7 March Speech and Comparison in Global Perspective in Global Perspective

Nationally we know about great significance of the speech delivered by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7 March, 1971. That was a tense moment of history when Bangabandhu mobilized the people’s power against the military might of Pakistan  thereby influenced the course of history. When the Pakistan army launched their genocidal attack on the civilian Bengali people the democratic struggle turned overnight into the armed resistance for national liberation.

While we have analysed the significance of 7 March speech from national perspective in many different ways not much has been done to place the speech in the context of global politics. The struggle for Bangladesh and significance of Bangabandhu’s leadership can truly be understood if we analyse the speech both from national and international perspective.

The struggle for Bangladesh had to be placed within the framework and characteristic of the State of Pakistan, which was one of the early post-colonial state born with inherent contradiction. The two-part of the sub-continent were bundled together as a single state having a physical distance of thousand miles and great diversity in language, culture, history as well as life and livelihood. The only common trait was Islam as the religion of majority of the population. Right from the begining the state became centralised where the East has a majority of the population and West has domination over bureaucracy and army. Pakistan turned into a colonial state where the economic, political and cultural right of the Bengali people were denied from the begining. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman understood the colonial domination more than any one else and build-up the struggle to establish rights of the Bengali people for self-determination as reflected in his 6pt. program. He followed the path of democracy and Constitutionalism  which united the nation, as was reflected in the 1970 election, and electrified the people, as happened by his speech on 7 March, whereby he launched the non-violent non-cooperation movement of unprecended scale.

He did not went for unilateral declaration of Independence, on the countrary kept the door of negotiated settlement open. At the same time if the rights of the people for self-determination are not recognised and Pakistani rulers opt for military solution then the oppressed people will rise together to achieve freedom.

Salient features of the Bangladesh struggle as envisaged   by Bangabandhu, are as follows :

1.      It is part of the struggle of the colonial people for self-determination as endorsed by the UN.

2.      It is not a secessionist  movement but a struggle to break the shackles of colonial rule.

3.      The struggle is democratic, constitutional and non-violent where people had to take up arms in response to the brutal crackdown by the Pakistan army.
 

The discussion will highlight observations on the 7 March speech and Bangladesh struggle by Professor Herbert Feith of Australia, Henry Kissinger, the Security Adviser to the US President at that time and the report of International Council of Jurists made in 1972. This will help us to understand the broader international significance of the struggle for Bangladesh and significance of 7 March speech

Dr. Mohammad Salim
Dr. Mohammad SalimSpeakers-10bdholympiad@gmail.com
He is currently working as a Professor in the Department of History at JagannathUniversity. He served as the President of the Jagannath University Teachers’Association (JnUTA) and Treasurer of theFederation of Bangladesh University Teachers' Association (FBUTA).He is the former Dean of the Faculty of Arts at Jagannath University; besides,he also held various administrative and academic responsibilities including Syndicate member of the University, Chairman of the Department of History, Member of the Academic Council.He won the Bangladesh Itihas Parishad Award in 2010 for his book Bangladesh-Bharat Shamporka published by the Bangla Academy. Besides, his notable works are BangladesherMuktiyuddha o BharaterRajnaitik Dal, Bangladesher Teen RashtrapatirAtmakathan, DinajpureMuktiyuddha (edited), Bangabandhu kosh (Associate Editor),Muktiyuddhakosh(Associate Editor),ChuknagarGanahatya (co-author), Media and Liberation War of Bangladesh(edited).His areas of interest lie in Oral History, Bangladesh Liberation War and International Relations.

21 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title : Bangabandhu's Foreign Policy: A Relentless Effort to Protect National Interests and Dignity

Article 25 of theBangladesh’s Constitutionof 1972, which had been framed in the time of Bangabandhu, conspicuously states the foreign policy of Bangladeshand Bangabandhu’spolitical ideology had a deep relevanceand correlation withforeignpolicy. After the independence of Bangladesh, in response to questions from local and foreign journalists, Bangabandhualluded some aspects of his foreign policy thinking. It might look that Bangabandhuinstantlychalked out his foreign policy in response to address the questions from journalists. But with a closer observation on his political thoughts, it is outstandingly clear that Bangabandhu's foreign policy views were completely coherent with his lifelong political ideology. As the undisputed leader of the Bengali nation, he expressed his clear thoughtson foreignpolicy at different times during the Pakistan days. In a radio address before the 1970 elections, Bangabandhu made a clear statement on foreign policy. During the war of liberation, the foreign policy of Bangladesh was also outlined by the Mujibnagargovernment. Basically, numerous factors i.e., geographical location, population, national economy, natural resources, military capability, history, tradition, ideology and values ​​play a crucial role in shaping  the foreign policy of a state. There is no doubt that Bangabandhu took many such factors into consideration in formulating foreign policy in 1972 but the issues he had given the utmost importance in determining foreign policy were to maintain the sovereignty of the state no matter what, to protect national dignity, to gain the recognition of the international community and to ensure international assistance to rebuild the war ravagedeconomy. Bangabandhu was able to pursue an independent and non-aligned foreign policy by confronting the strong conspiracy ofanti-liberation forces in home and abroad.

The first part of this article will discuss the background of Bangabandhu's foreign policy while the second part willnarrate his foreign policyand thelast part will explain how successful Bangabandhu's foreign policy was to servethe interests of the newly independent Bangladesh. The analysis of this paper will be based on primary and secondary sources. The paper concludes by suggesting that during his three and a half years of rule, Bangabandhu never compromised on the question of national interest and dignity of Bangladesh.

Dr. Selim Jahan,
Dr. Selim Jahan,Speakers-11bdholympiad@gmail.com
Selim Jahan is an economist and a writer. He retired about two years ago as the Director and Lead author of the United Nations Human Development Report. Prior to that, he has served as the Director of the Poverty Division of United Nations’ Development Programme (UNDP). Before joining the UN System in 1992, he taught at Dhaka University for two decades. He has worked as an Adviser to the World Bank, International Labour Organization, Bangladesh Planning Commission. He has received his Ph.D. in Economics from McGill University, Montreal Canada. Selim Jahan is the author of 12 books and more than 150 articles in academic journals. His notable books in English include Overcoming Human Poverty, Freedom for Choice, and Development and Deprivation.

22 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title : Bangabandhu’s Economic Thought : Agriculture, Industry & Commerce.

১৯৭১ এর ৭ই মার্চ জাতির পিতা বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবর রহমান তাঁর ঐতিহাসিক ভাষন শেষ করেছিলেন এই বলে যে ‘এবারের সংগ্রাম মুক্তির সংগ্রাম, এবারের সংগ্রাম স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম’। বাঙ্গালী জাতির সংগ্রামকে তিনি একাধারে ‘স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম’ ও ‘মুক্তির সংগ্রাম’ বলে আখ্যায়িত করেছেন। আপাত:দৃষ্টিতে মনে হতে পারে, এ হয়তো নিছকই স্বাভাবিক শব্দচয়ন। কিন্তু আমার মনে হয়, তা কিন্ত নয় - অত্যন্ত সচেতনভাবে বঙ্গবন্ধু শব্দগুলো ব্যবহার করেছেন তাদের অন্তর্নিহিত অর্থ মনে রেখে। ‘স্বাধীনতা’ ও ‘মুক্তির’ ব্যঞ্জনা ভিন্ন। একটি জাতির রাজনৈতিক স্বাধীনতা এলেই তার অর্থনৈতিক মুক্তি আসেনা। স্বাধীনতা অর্জন করার পরেও একটি জাতিগোষ্ঠীর মধ্যে বঞ্চনা থাকতে পারে, অসাম্য থাকতে পারে, অন্যায় থাকতে পারে। এগুলো দূর করতে পারলেই তখন কেবল অর্থনৈতিক মুক্তি সম্ভব। সুতরাং বঙ্গবন্ধু জানতেন যে, বাঙ্গালী জাতির সংগ্রাম শুধু স্বাধীনতা প্রাপ্তিতে শেষ হবে না, তার অর্থনৈতিক মুক্তিও নিশ্চিত করতে হবে। কারন রাজনৈতিক স্বাধীনতা অর্থনৈতিক মুক্তির আবশ্যকীয় শর্ত, কিন্তু পর্যাপ্ত শর্ত নয়। এ চালচিত্রকে মাথায় রেখে চারটি বিষয়কে জাতীয় নীতি হিসেবে চিহ্নিত করা হয়েছিল - জাতীয়তাবাদ, গনতন্ত্র, সমাজতন্ত্র এবং ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতা। জাতীয়তাবাদ আমাদের বাঙ্গালী আত্মস্বত্ত্বার জন্য আবশ্যিক শর্ত। আত্মস্বত্ত্বার বোধ একটি জাতির রাজনৈতিক স্বাধীনতা ও অর্থনৈতিক মুক্তির জন্য দরকার। গণতন্ত্রকেও বঙ্গবন্ধু শুধু রাজনৈতিক গণতন্ত্র হিসেবে দেখেন নি, তিনি এটাকে অর্থনৈতিক গণতন্ত্র হিসেবেও দেখেছেন। সুতরাং সম্পদে সবার সমান অধিকার, অর্থনৈতিক সুযোগে সাম্য নিশ্চিত করা, অর্থনৈতিক সিদ্ধান্তে সব মানুষের সমান কণ্ঠস্বরের কথা তিনি বলেছেন। এ ব্যাপারে তিনি সবচেয়ে বেশী জোর দিয়েছেন দরিদ্র ও প্রান্তিক জনগোষ্ঠীর সম্পদ ও সুযোগে সম অধিকার ও সেই সঙ্গে তাদের আশা/আকাঙ্খার প্রতি। অর্থনৈতিক গণতন্ত্র সুনিশ্চিত করার জন্যেই বঙ্গবন্ধু গ্রামীন অর্থনীতিতে সমবায় প্রথার প্রচলনের কথা বলেছেন।কৃষিকাজে ক্ষুদ্র ও প্রান্তিক চাষীর অধিকার ও প্রাপ্য সুনিশ্চিত করতে প্রয়াসী হয়েছিলেন। সেই লক্ষ্যেই জমি-মালিকানার উর্ধসীমা বেঁধে দেয়া হয়েছিল, যাতে বাংলাদেশের কৃষি জোতদারদের হাতে চলে না যায়। ভূমির পুনর্বণ্টনের মাধ্যমে দরিদ্র চাষীদের ভূমির মালিক করার পেরয়াস ছিল তাঁর। বঙ্গবন্ধু স্বপ্ন দেখেছিলেন যে বাংলাদেশে সব মানুষ ধর্ম ও জাত নির্বিশেষে সম অধিকারে শান্তিপূর্ণ ভাবে সহাবস্হান করবে। সেটাই তো বাংলাদেশের ঐতিহ্য। ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতাকে তিনি তাই একটি সমতার উপকরণ হিসেবে দেখেছিলেন। একটি বহুধা ধর্মসম্পন্ন সমাজে সবার অধিকারকে নিশ্চিত করতে হলে রাষ্ট্রকে ধর্মনিরপেক্ষ হতেই হবে। ধর্ম সেখানের ব্যক্তিগত ব্যাপার, রাষ্ট্রীয় স্বত্ত্বার ব্যাপার নয়। বঙ্গবন্ধু বারবার বলেছেন যে, ‘ধর্মনিরপ্ক্ষতা মানে ধর্মহীনতা নয়। রাষ্ট্রীয় কাঠামোয় ও সমাজজীবনে তিনি ধর্ম এবং জাতীয়তাবাদকে এমন জায়গায় রেখেছেন, যেখানে বাঙ্গালী জাতির আত্ম:স্বত্বা-অস্তিত্বে কোন দ্বন্দ্ব না থাকে, আর ধর্ম বিষয়ে কোন সংশয় না থাকে। পরবর্তী সময়ের সব দ্বন্দ্ব ও সংশয়ের স্রষ্টা আমরাই -বহু মীমাংসিত বিষয়কে আবার ঘোলাটে করে দিয়ে। শোষনের ব্যাপারে বঙ্গবন্ধু ছিলেন আপোষহীন। সারাটি জীবন তিনি শোষনের বিরুদ্ধে বলেছেন, বঞ্চিত মানুষদের পাশে দাঁড়িয়েছেন, রুখে দাঁড়িয়েছেন শোষকদের বিরুদ্ধে। শোষনকে তিনি দেখেছেন বঞ্চনার একটি শক্তিশালী খুঁটি হিসেবে, সাম্যের পরিপন্হী হিসেবে এবং মানবাধিকারের সঙ্গে সঙ্গতিহীন হিসেবে। সেই প্রেক্ষিত থেকেই তিনি বলেছেন, ‘বিশ্ব আজ দু’টো শিবিরে বিভক্ত - শোষক ও শোষিত। আমি শোষিতের পক্ষে।’ তাই বঙ্গবন্ধু সমাজতন্ত্রকে একটি যান্ত্রিক দৃষ্টিকোণ থেকে দেখেন নি, দেখেছেন সামাজিক ন্যায্যতার প্রেক্ষিত থেকে। সামাজিক ন্যায্যতাকে তিনি একটি শোষনমুক্ত সমাজের অপরিহার্য প্রাক-শর্ত হিসেবে দেখেছেন। তিনি গনতন্ত্র ও সমাজতন্ত্রের কথা বলেছেন, কিন্তু দু’টোকেই দেখেছেন সামাজিক ন্যায্যতার এক একটি স্তম্ভ হিসেবে। তাই সত্তুর দশকের প্রথমদিকে নানা মনে ‘গনতন্ত্র’ ও ‘সমাজতন্ত্র’ বিষয়ে নানা রকমের ধোঁয়াটে ভাব থাকলেও, এ বিষয় দু’টোতে বঙ্গবন্ধুর ধারণা ছিল শার্সির মতো স্বচ্ছ্ব।‘গনতন্ত্রকে’ তিনি শুদ্ধ একটি বিষয় হিসেবে ভাবেন নি, ভেবেছেন, ‘সমাতান্ত্রিক গনতন্ত্র’ হিসেবে; আবার ‘সমাজতন্ত্রকেও’ একটি যান্ত্রিক মাত্রায় দেখেন নি, দেখেছেন ‘গনতান্ত্রিক সমাজতন্ত্র’ হিসেবে। এবং এ দু’টোকেই সম্পৃক্ত করেছেন সামাজিক ন্যায্যতার সঙ্গে। মনে প্রানে বাঙ্গালী হয়েও বঙ্গবন্ধুর ছিল একটি বিস্তৃত বৈশ্বিক মানসিকতা। এ ব্যাপারে তাঁর দৃষ্টিভঙ্গী ছিল অনেকটা রবীন্দ্রনাথের মতো। তাই তিনি শুধু বাঙ্গালীর নেতা ছিলেন না, ছিলেন বিশ্বনেতা। বৈশ্বিক অঙ্গনে তিনি যূথবদ্ধতার পক্ষে ছিলেন, কিন্তু স্বার্থ জোটবদ্ধতার পক্ষে নয়। তাই তাঁকে দেখা গেছে জোটনিরপেক্ষ আন্দোলনের নেতা হিসেবে - টিটো, ক্যাস্ত্রোর সঙ্গে একই কাতারে। বিশ্বশান্তির সপক্ষে তাঁর জোরালো বানী, বিশ্ব শান্তি কাউন্সিলের প্রতি তাঁর সমর্থন ও মানবতাবাদী বিশ্ব ব্যক্তিত্বদের সঙ্গে তাঁর আলাপ-আলোচনা তাঁকে এক বিশ্ববরেন্য নেতায় পরিনত করেছিল। তাই তিনি শুধু ‘বঙ্গবন্ধুই’ নন, ‘বিশ্ববন্ধুও’ বটে। শেষের কথা বলি। বঙ্গবন্ধুর সঙ্গে একটি সাক্ষাৎকারের পরে ফিদেল ক্যাস্ত্রো বলেছিলেন, ‘ আমি হিমালয় দেখিনি, কিন্তু শেখ মুজিবকে দেখেছি। আমার আর হিমালয় দেখার প্রয়োজন নেই।’ আমাদের অনেকেই হয়তো হিমালয় দেখেছি, কিন্তু বঙ্গবন্ধুকে দেখি নি।কিন্তু তা’তে কি? হিমালয়ের বিস্তার থেকে আমরা বঙ্গবন্ধুর বিশালতা বুঝতে পারি, তাঁর চিন্তা-চেতনা থেকে পাই এক স্হির দিক-নির্দেশনা, তাঁর স্মৃতি থেকে পাই এক অনন্য প্রেরনা। প্রাপ্তি আমাদেরই বা কম কিসে? চেতনার সিঁড়ি বেয়ে আমাদের পথচলা অক্ষয় হোক।

 Arif Aajakia
Arif AajakiaSpeakers-12bdholympiad@gmail.com
Pakistani-French human rights activist and former politician. He served as mayor of Jamshed Town in Karachi, Pakistan from 2005 to 2006. He is in exile from Pakistan due to his human rights work in Pakistan administered Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan.Based in London.

22 August, 2020 I 09.30 PM
Speech Title : Economic situation in 1971 (East & West Pakistan)

Upon the creation of Pakistan in 1947, millions of refugees and migrants from India made Karachi their new home, settling alongside the native Sindhi population. They identified themselves as Mohajir’s and have since been part of the long process of assimilation into Pakistan’s multiethnic, multilingual, Islamic republic. There were three predominant stages of Muslim migration from India to West Pakistan. The first stage lasted from August–November 1947. In this stage of migration the Muslim immigrants originated from East Punjab, Delhi, and the four adjacent districts of U.P. The treatments of the Mohajir’s were very oppressed in nature and in constant conflict with the deep state of Pakistan. Exploitation of East Pakistan Jute revenue to fund the Great Decade of Development in West Pakistan.  

Mehran Mari
Mehran MariSpeakers-13bdholympiad@gmail.com
Baloch nationalist leader

23 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title : Bangabandhu Bangladesh and Balochistan

Historically Balochistan was a free nation under supremacy of British crown. Founder of Pakistani state was a lawyer of the rulers of Balochistan. On 1947 Balochistan became independent from British. A stand still agreement was signed between Pakistan and Balochistan. But in 1948 Pakistan sent its army and annexed Balochistan by force. This is perceived as a betrayal by many. This has created resentment against Pakistan and its rulers among Balochs. Baloch Independence Movement argues they are economically marginalised and poor compared to the rest of Pakistan, especially by the Military political nexus. Being crucial for Pakistan's economic future, China has invested $46 billion in the region.

Tahir Aslam Ghora
Tahir Aslam GhoraSpeakers-14bdholympiad@gmail.com
Canadian broadcaster, editor, publisher, translator and writer of fiction & non-fiction.

23 August, 2020 I 09.00 PM
Speech Title : Two Nations Theory 1947

The ideology that religion is the determining factor in defining the nationality of Indian Muslims and Hindus was postulated by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who termed it as the awakening of Muslims for the creation of Pakistan. Opposition to the theory that fake false concept of a single Muslim nation, of which Hindus and Muslims can not exist at par. Contrary to the fact that these intertwined communities who have lived together for millenniums as a single coherent civilization. Even after the formation of Pakistan on the sole foundation of religion, the theory was buried in the Bay of Bengal on 16th December 1971, birth of People’s Republic of Bangladesh.

 Professor Dr. Md. Emran Jahan,Historian
Professor Dr. Md. Emran Jahan,Historian Speakers-15bdholympiad@gmail.com
Professor, Department of History, Jahangirnagar University, Dhaka, Bangladesh

24 August, 2020 I 07.00 PM
Speech Title : Return of Bangabandhu to his homeland

Everyone knows that historical incident what was happened at the dead night of 25 March in that that billowy 1971 and Bangabandhu had been arrested from his Dhanmondi residence. The military obedience of Pakistan detained him in the prison-cell in the midst of tremendous mental oppression beyond the limit till January 08 1972. That desolate prison was at Layalpur, Faysalabad. There, in the military court a farce move had been playing in the name of trial and prosecuted him before the court accusing him a so called revolutionist against the country. 
 
The aim of the military obedience was in any cost this great leader of Bangali must be adjudging him as criminal to be sentenced to death. But Yahia’s military administration couldn’t accomplish their obsession as there were immense pressure from the international field. That hard days of nine months in the life of Bangabandhu had passed through in various dramatic ways. On the other part of the country, the masses who were indoctrinated with the magical spell of Bangabandhu had administered a struggle in arms which causes bloodshed all over the land. At last that desired victory day appeared on December 16, 1971. Bangladesh freed from raiders. That victory earned in return of bloodshed of thirty hundred thousands Banagalis.
 
Country became freed from raiders but the question arous; where is our Great Leader of Bangalis? Because without his arrival the victory became joyless. At last after 24 days of our victory day on January 10, 1972 The Father of the Nation returned to the independent country. Bangabandhu’s return to his homeland was full of extremely dramatic events. What had happened inside the prison-cell of Pakistan? On the eve of his salvation what had been bargaining with Z. A. Bhutto? How our leader had reached London Hithero airport?  Then how he had set his feet on his free homeland after he dropped in temporarily in Delhi? And what he had answered back directed to Pakistan in that historical Racecourse Maidan? The day after, on 11 January 1972 with what historical programs he had commenced the newly born state? 
The objective research is very rare about this important issues in the history. Only some memories, some foreign journals and news-papers and journal of that time and various speeches and interviews of Bangabandhu and some relevant talkings are scattered here and there. 
 
This article; not too long is written with a number of starling incidences of the return of Bangabandhu to his motherland, which is logically titled “Return of Bangabandhu to his homeland: from Layalpur prison to Racecourse Maidan”.

(সেই উত্থাল ১৯৭১ সালের ২৫ মার্চ গভীর রাতে বঙ্গবন্ধুকে তাঁর ধানম-ির বাসভবন থেকে গ্রেফতার করা হয়- সে ইতিহাস আমরা সবাই জানি। ১৯৭২ সালের ৮ জানুয়ারি পর্যন্ত সামরিকজান্তা সীমাহীন মানসিক নির্যাতনের মধ্যে পাকিস্তানের কারাগারে তাঁকে আটক করে রাখেন। ফয়সালাবাদের লায়ালপুরের নির্জন কারাগারে তিনি বন্দি ছিলেন। সেখানে দেশের বিরুদ্ধে কথিত বিদ্রোহের অভিযোগে সামরিক আদালতে বিচারের নামে এক প্রসনের খেলা চলছিল। সামরিকজান্তার উদ্দেশ্যে ছিল যেভাবেই হোক বাঙালির এই মহানায়ককে দোষী সাব্যস্ত করে প্রাণদ- প্রদান করা। কিন্তু আন্তর্জাতিক মহলের চাপে ইয়াহিয়ার সামরিক সরকার সেই উদ্দেশ্য হাসিল করতে পারে নি। নানা নাটকীয়তার মধ্য দিয়ে চলে যায় বঙ্গবন্ধুর জীবনের সেই কঠিন সময়ের নয়টি মাস। এদিকে তাঁর রেখে যাওয়া মন্ত্রে দীক্ষিত হয়ে বাঙালি জনতা চালিয়ে যায় এক রক্তক্ষয়ী সশস্ত্র সংগ্রাম। ১৯৭১ সালের ১৬ ডিসেম্বর তারিখে, আসে সেই কাঙ্খিত বিজয়ের দিন। বাংলাদেশ হানাদার মুক্ত হয়। ৩০ লক্ষ মানুষের রক্তের বিনিময়ে আসে সে মহাবিজয়। কিন্তু দেশতো হানাদার মুক্ত হলো, মহানায়ক কোথায় ? মহানায়কের আগমন ছাড়া এ বিজয় যে নিরানন্দে ভরপুর। অবশেষে বিজয়ের ২৪ দিন পর ১৯৭২ সালের ১০ জানুয়ারি জাতির জনক মুক্ত স্বদেশে প্রত্যাবর্তন করেন। ইতিহাসে চরম নাটকীয়তায় ভরপুর বঙ্গবন্ধুর স্বদেশ প্রত্যাবর্তন পর্বটি। পাকিস্তান কারাগারে কী ঘটেছিল ? মুক্তির প্রাক্কালে পাকিস্তানের নতুন প্রেসিডেন্ট জেট এ ভুট্টোর সঙ্গে কী দরকষাকষি চলছিল? কীভাবে নেতা লন্ডনের হিথরো বিমানবন্দরে পৌছলেন? তারপর দিল্লী হয়ে কীভাবে বাংলার মুক্ত মাটিতে পা রাখলেন? আবার সেই ঐতিহাসিক রেসকোর্সের ময়দানে পাকিস্তানের উদ্দেশ্যে কী জবাব দিলেন? পরের দিন ১১ জানুয়ারি নতুন সরকারের দায়িত্বভার নিয়ে কী ঐতিহাসিক কার্যক্রম দিয়ে নতুন রাষ্ট্রের শুভ সূচনা করেন ? `ইতিহাসের জরুরি'-এসব বিষয়ের বস্তুনিষ্ট গবেষণা খুব বেশী পাওয়া যায় না। নানান স্মৃতিকথা, তৎকালীন বিদেশী পত্রপত্রিকা এবং বঙ্গবন্ধুর বিভিন্ন ভাষণ ও সাক্ষাৎকারে ছড়িয়ে ছিটিয়ে আছে কিছু প্রাসঙ্গিক কথা। বঙ্গবন্ধুর স্বদেশ প্রত্যাবর্তনের চমকপ্রদ নানান ঘটনাবলি নিয়ে নাতিদীর্ঘ এই প্রবন্ধটি,-যার শিরোনাম যৌক্তিভাবেই দেয়া হয়েছে- “বঙ্গবন্ধুর স্বদেশ প্রত্যাবর্তন : লায়ালপুর কারাগার থেকে রেসকোর্স ময়দান।”)

Walter Villanueva Azaña
Walter Villanueva AzañaSpeakers-16bdholympiad@gmail.com
Poet, writer & Film Maker Lima,Peru

25 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title : Bangabandhu in Latin Americans

The social violence that had been suffered  Bangladeshi peoples in Bangladesh during   60s and 70s,its seems same struggles  suffered in Latin American countries by the same characteristic and  process  of  the Military rulers, same way they killed and hidden  the civilians, scholars , political leaders especially those from left  Marxism .

Some reflections are drawn  in this article about the  political history of Bangladesh, the role of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to make Bangladesh being a Great leader as Father of Nation of Bangladesh.

The intention of this research article has  a new dimensional  way to  present of the Political violence that happed in Bangladeshi society .

It has been described from the point of view of Latin American peoples on cold war , national liberation movements and elements of  revolution.

For this, the literature that generated on this historical movement and had lots of documents as evidence for Bangladesh and that evaluate the value as acceptance  Shiekh Mujibur Rahman  as the greatest Bengali of all time in the history of Bangladesh.

Shashanka Sekhar Banerjee
Shashanka Sekhar BanerjeeSpeakers-17bdholympiad@gmail.com
Former Indian diplomat

26 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title : Thirteen hours with Bangabnadhu

On being released from Mianwali Prison located near the Pakistan Army’s GHQ in Rawalpindi, Bangladesh’s Father of the Nation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, arrived early morning in London by a PIA special flight on 8 January 1972.The PM wasted no time and quickly re-arranged with the British Prime Minister, Mr Edward Heath, requesting him to place a RAF VIP jet to fly the Bangladeshi leader from London to Dhaka, with a stop-over in New Delhi. Nothing could have been faster than this New Delhi-London arrangement of Mujibur Rahman’s most historic air passage. Indira Gandhi wanted to achieve two objectives in this thoughtful rescheduling of Mujib’s air passage on the RAF VIP jet. Now, the question was: who was to fly with Mujibur Rahman as Officer on Special Duty, acting as PM Indira Gandhi’s personal envoy on the flight? On the advice of the RAW Chief, Ram Nath Kao, the PM’s key political advisor PN Haksar, and the Foreign Secretary, TN Kaul, I was chosen for the job. I was briefed that it was a very important political mission and that I would be carrying with me my PM’s very own brief, laying down what to talk about with the Bangladesh leader. It was a once in a lifetime opportunity for me to play this role. Needless to say, I got ready as fast as I could to do the job as well as it was possible for me to perform. Why me, of all people? It was because I had met Mujibur Rahman at his own request on the night of 24/25 December 1962, which became the first ever meeting he had had with an Indian official. The meeting was shrouded in secrecy. Mujib was accompanied by Manick Mia, the editor of The Ittefaq, a widely circulated Bengali language nationalist newspaper. Manick Mia was also known as Taffazul Hussain. The meeting lasted three hours. To cut a long story short, Mujibur opened his book in a business-like manner into what he wanted from India. He wanted India’s ‘no-holds-barred’ support to a Bangladesh Liberation Struggle which he was to lead, backed by the super cerebral Manick Mia as his ideologue.Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned home to Dhaka on 10 January 1972 to a hero’s welcome. Over a million people had gathered to receive the Bangladesh leader at the Romna Maidan, echoing slogans of ‘Joy Bongo Bondhu, Joy Bangla’. Raising his very masculine voice, ‘Bongo Bondhu’ declared standing on the podium: “My countrymen, rejoice. Bangladesh is now a sovereign, independent nation”.

Dr. Mamtazuddin  Patwari
Dr. Mamtazuddin PatwariSpeakers-18bdholympiad@gmail.com
Historian & Researchers

27 August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title :The assassination of Bangabandhu and the reaction in the politics of Bangladesh

The general idea given in the textbooks and political discussions to describe the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is that on the morning of 15 August 1975, a group of rebellious army officers brutally killed Bangabandhu and his family members at their Dhanmondi 32 residence. Such propaganda is being promoted from 1975 to today. However, there’s no way to logically conclude that a few members of a well-organized force would kill a self-sacrificing leader like Bangabandhu-the father of the nation, the president - at his own residence in the dead of the night.

There can be no reason to kill Bangabandhu. On top of that, when it was publicized that some unruly members of the army have carried out such a ruthless massacre, it not only stained the dignity of the Bangladesh Army but also accused them of being involved in an anti-state act. In reality, most members of the army involved in the assassination of Bangabandhu, his family, and close relatives on 15 August 1975 were already dismissed from the army. No decision was made at any level of the army to organize the August 15 massacre. Therefore, the participation of the members of the Bangladesh Army in this killing cannot be a reasonable accusation. In reality, those involved in the use of artillery and ammunition of the army have conspired to change the power of the state by using the army’s resources to organize the August 15 massacre. Some people in the army were secretly involved with this. They were secretly involved with a small number of branded people of the Awami League, bureaucrats, and other professionals. They were assisted internationally from the top echelons of several states, including Pakistan. It was termed as a conspiracy to change the state power of domestic and international reactionary groups. Domestic and international conspiratorial groups used a small portion of the army to seize state power. However, those who did not like the fundamental change of the state politically and socially, or interested in returning to the old state system were involved in the processes. These forces organized such killings through secret conspiracies. So it was a conspiracy to seize power, and various forces, individuals, groups, and organizations secretly tried to implement this plan brutally. The assassination that took place on 15 August 1975 was not to overthrow Bangabandhu from power. This was to destroy the Bangladesh that was being built up under the leadership of Bangabandhu during 1972-75. , to take the country back to the state system of Pakistani ideology.

The conspiracy to change the state system was organized to benefit the economic and political interests of various domestic and international groups. The ruthless massacre was on the backdrop of the plan. In many newly independent countries after World War II, coups have been carried out with the covert support of a section of the military to oust many of the leaders who led the freedom movement. Some leaders have been killed, some have been expelled from the country. Examples of state coups have occurred in many countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. In Bangladesh, a coup d'etat was carried out to assassinate Bangabandhu and his family. It was one of the most vicious and barbaric massacres of a State leader in the history of the world, where Bangabandhu's family and his close relatives were also brutally killed. This massacre was unprecedented. After seizing power, the real conspirators came forward from behind the scenes by carrying out some more killings and quickly started implementing the premeditated plan to remove the state of Bangladesh from the ideology of liberation war. In effect, on one hand, the anti-independence forces in Bangladesh got the right to join politics, while on the other hand, the parties and forces leading the independence movement were completely cornered. Communalism, extremist nationalism, and opportunism have established in Bangladeshi politics. The four basic principles of the state have been amended. By distorting the main mantra of nationalism, and Inspired from bi-nationalism, Bangladeshi nationalism has been patronized, while secularism has been demonized through propaganda. Inequality and exploitation have been pushed into the economy. In the name of democracy, anti-democratic forces have been given a chance to play in the field of politics. As a result, many of the goals and ideals that Bangladesh sacrificed so many lives in the 1971 war of liberation to achieve have been largely abandoned. Bangladesh has virtually become a second ideological state of Pakistan. The impact is profound in all levels of society. That is why even in the fifty years of independence, Bangladesh is lagging far behind the idea of ​​establishing a modern democratic state system. There are contradictory trends within the social system in the name of nationalism, the other sections of the national fundamentalism are now flowing into a virtually Since 1975, distorted information about the Liberation War has been widely disseminated in textbooks and politics of the Bangladesh state system. As a result, a great crisis has been nurtured in the fields of education, culture, social and political affairs on the process creating a generation that embodies the spirit and ideology of the Liberation War. Stately, Bangladesh is repeatedly deviating from the ideology of the liberation war. Even after the political party formed by Bangabandhu got back in the state power, it could not implement any long term plan to bring Bangladesh back to the line of the liberation war.

Although the trial of some of Bangabandhu's assassins has been completed, no high-level inquiry committee has been formed at the state level to identify the cause of the 1975 assassination, the forces involved, and their supporters. That is why the involvement of many individuals and groups behind these killings and conspiracies has not been revealed yet. Thus, without the initiative to unravel the issues of reactionary change in the state system, including the August-November 1975 prison killings, the new generation will remain in a state of confusion and will continue to believe the assassination of Bangabandhu as the action of some unruly army personnel. However, this is not at all close to the truth. It was a far-reaching conspiracy to turn the Bangladesh state system in the opposite direction.

Mukesh Shrestha
Mukesh ShresthaSpeakers-19bdholympiad@gmail.com
Visual Artist & Lecturer at the Central Department of Fine Arts at the Tribhuvan University and also teaches at the Srijana College of Fine Arts. Kathmandu,Nepal Short Biography of Mukesh Shrestha: Mukesh Shrestha is Bhaktapur based Visual Artist. Mukesh finds inspiration in his socio- political issues and also his works are deeply inspired by the culture and tradition of his country. He received a Gold Medal for his MFA in Painting from Banaras Hindu University in 2008. Natioinal Fine Art Award, Contemporary Painting in 2012, Patterns Breakers Award, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark in 2016, keshava Duvadi Fineart Yuth Award, 2018,Hem Ganga Yuth Art Award in 2018,Merit Award, Golden Prize International Contemporary Art ,Italy in 2019.He has held six solo exhibition and participated in more than 70 group exhibition and painting workshops in Nepal and abroad. Currently he is a lecturer at Central Department of Fine Arts, Tribhuvan University and he is former Head of Department of Painting at Sirjana Collage of Fine Arts, Kathmandu.

28 August, 2020 I 07.00 PM
Speech Title : Artworks on Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the dream of Bangladeshi.  After becoming an independent Bangladesh on the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the dream of the people cames  true.  Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman  called the Father of the Nation. He had been beginning directly  and indirectly support the  citizens to reform a new nation, a new country ,Bangladesh .

Behind that,  for the tourism, culture and literature had played an important role .

As an Artist, the artist have been contributing  a lots  since Bangladesh dreaming to a sovereignty of Bangladesh.

 Along with  Shilpacharya Zainul Abedin ,artist and political activist  who  starting  for an independent Bangladesh  through his art . Qayyum Chowdhury, Quamrul Hassan, Safiuddin Ahmed We are not forgetting the name of the first  name of Bangladesh artist history.

Artists including   Zainul Abedin, Sheikh Mohammed Sultan  (SM Sultan) are considered as the pioneers of modern art of Bangladesh.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was understand the depth of Art works and its contribution to develop the Bangladesh and Bangladeshi Peoples.

For that, Bangabandhu called  Shilpacharya Zainul Abedin and Safiuddin Ahmed and other artist friends to re-establish Bangladesh College of Arts and Crafts (now Faculty of Fine Arts, University of Dhaka)  and this  made a great contribution to the development of Bangladeshi art.  

The Kingdom of Nepal became one of the first nations to recognise Bangaldesh as an  independent country on 16th January 1972 and  it has been starting bilateral relation and diplomatic relation since 8th April 1972.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman considering the background of the nearly half-century-long relationship between  the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal and the People's Republic of Bangladesh with  the respect and trust on each other..

Some Nepali artist that are build upping a strong fine art relation between Bangladesh and Nepal like famous Nepali Artist Manuj Babu Mishra, he  was student of Shilpacharya Zainul Abedin   to   Jupiter Pradhan and Shour Gangadarshan Dhari can be named.

It  has several opportunitiesry to carry out various activities related to art with the participation of artists from both the countries.

Of course, Bangladesh has been making a name for itself since 1981. Its main purpose is not only to show the diversity of Bengali art to the rest of the world, but also to help the new generation. Another purpose of Asian Art Binaale  organized by  Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy  to show the state of modern art in Asian countries.

 The number of Nepali artists participating in this festival.Myself had the opportunity to participate in Dhaka that 16th ASEAN Arts.

Looking back on today's times, it is a matter of happiness for all of us that the development of the art sector along with the economic, social, language, culture and identity of Bangladesh has been sustained by Bangabandhu's vision. In order to express this happiness, I have remembered the greatest Bangali of all time Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through my art by painting his face. In this painting titled "The Sun Rising on the Land of Bangladesh", I have indicated the sun on the land of Bangladesh with a green background and the portrait of Bangabandhu in  red color  as like  the sun is important for agriculture, as  Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman  for the Bengali. 

I would like to dedicate this my art work  to all the citizens of Bangladesh as a birthday present on the occasion of the 100th birth anniversary of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and to the name of this  1st Webinar onBangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman-ICBSMR2020. I wish that the relations between the two countries, that is, the citizens of the two countries, would be enhanced through art in the coming days.

Syed Ullah
Syed UllahSpeakers-20bdholympiad@gmail.com
Born: October 31, 1941 in Feni. Attended schools in Feni and Rangpur. Matriculated (passed S.S.C.) in 1957. Attended Feni College for a year, then transferred to Chittagong Night College (it later became City College). Joined the Daily Purba Pakistan as apprentice sub-editor: 1958. Joined the Daily Zamana as a full time sub-editor: 1959. Joined the Daily Azadi as Chief Sub-Editor: 1963. Joined the Daily Insaf as Chief sub-editor: 1965. Joined the Daily Unity as Senior Staff Correspondent: 1966. Joined the PPI (Pakistan Press International as its Chittagong Correspondent: 1967. Left PPI during the 1969 mass movement demanding full autonomy of East Bengal based on Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's 6-point Charter of Demands. Started Sulekha Chhapaghar and Monisha Prakashani in 1969, Chittagong. Left Chittagong on March 28, 1971 and moved to village home with wife and a baby son and spent the entire duration of the War of Liberation moving from village to village in Feni district. Joined the Eastern News Agency (ENA) of Dhaka as a senior reporter in January, 1972. Promoted as Diplomatic Correspondent of ENA in October, 1972. Assigned to cover the Prime Minster's office at Ganobhaban, June 1973. Attended Commonwealth Press Union Fellowship Program, U.K., April-August, 1974. Covered for ENA the U.N. General Assembly session admitting Bangladesh as a member state. Covered for ENA Bangabandhu's address at the U.N. Covered for ENA Bangabandhu's visit to Washington and meeting with President Gerald Ford. Returned to Dhaka, December 1974. Promoted News Editor of ENA, December 1974. Moved to New York, February 1976 as a Stringer of ENA to the U.N. Joined the Weekly Asian Monitor as a member of the Board of Editors, 1983. Launched Bangla language newspaper the Probashi from New York, August 1985. Have been living in New York as a retiree since 2001. Have been active in secular, pro-democracy, anti-terrorism and various progressives movements with other like-minded Bangladeshi expatriates.

28th August, 2020 I 08.00 PM
Speech Title :Witness to History: Memories of Bangabandhu from A Journalist's Perspective

As we pay homage to the memory of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh in the centennial year of his birth and specifically now when we are remembering him on the anniversary of his assassination on August 15, 1975 we cannot find words to adequately express the depth of our sadness in losing our beacon light and guide who had bravely and tirelessly fought for nearly two decades to free us, his people, from the cruel overlordship of Pakistani rulers. We find ourselves at a loss for words to express our revulsion at this monumental crime and condemnation of the conspirators who carried out this monstrosity.
Bangabandhu was cut down at the pinnacle of his life just three years eight months after the Liberation as he was busy rebuilding his newly independent land. The Pakistanis had pursued a scorched-earth policy in the face of the tireless and courageous resistance waged by our brave Freedom Fighters, the Mukti Bahini guerrillas. They had carried out the most ruthless genocide across the length and breadth of Bangladesh, from cities to towns, to the remotest sleeping hamlets. A minimum of three million people they slaughtered. They also violated hundreds of thousands of women, burnt down countless homes and business establishments and massively looted money and valuables. When they realized their defeat was drawing close, they destroyed bridges, culverts, power stations and the few industries and factories that were still standing. This ruthless campaign of genocide, carnage and destruction by the Pakistani armed forces were actively aided and abetted by their local collaborators and chorts who supplied the recruits to the Razakar force. Finally, just days before their inevitable surrender to the allied forces of Bangladeshi freedom fighters and the Indian armed forces, the Pakistanis deployed another of their local killer gang, the Al-Badr force comprised of Jamat-e-Islami mercenaries who kidnapped and slaughtered many leading intellectuals of the country with a view to cause a dire famine of needed talents when Bangladesh came into being.
Y
Once Bangladesh was liberated, Bangabandhu had to first lay out the foundation of a state apparatus, literally from scratch and with extremely meager resources in personnel and materials. Simultaneously, he busily undertook the gigantic task of rebuilding the country and rehabilitating the nearly ten million uprooted people as they trekked back from their temporary asylum in India. Alongside these challenging tasks, a progressive national Constitution with Democracy, Socialism, Nationalism and Secularism as Fundamental State  Principles was framed and passed with great speed and promulgated in 1972.
Bangabandhu, ably assisted by his trusted lieutenants, had to work round the clock in the face of formidable challenges. The newly independent country needed international diplomatic recognition and financial assistance. But the United States, China, Muslim-majority countries and Pakistan dug their heels and used every impediments and delaying tactics to undermine Bangladesh's independence. The local stooges and recruits of some of these external forces went into action to create troubles for the Bangladesh government in every arena by resorting to false propaganda, political killings, acts of obstruction, sabotage and destruction. Simultaneously, some of the Pakistani implants especially within the armed forces of Bangladesh started plotting in connivance with their political masters led by Khondakar Mustaque Ahmad and Taheruddin Thakur, among others to stage a coup and kill Bangabandhu and other top Independence leaders. They met with foreign diplomats soliciting support which is now public knowledge based on the declassified state and diplomatic documents from relevant quarters.
I had the unique privilege of being assigned to cover Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as a reporter from the ENA (Eastern News Agency) of Bangladesh from 1972-1974, first when he was Prime Minister and later when he assumed the office of President of the Republic. From that vintage position I was witness to many events, incidents, happenings and matters that, after the passage of several decades and with the benefit of hindsight should have alerted us to brewing plots and conspiracies. 
Here I am trying to give just an abstract of my intended presentation. Later I hope to provide a fuller narrative of some of the more significant events of Bangabandhu's tenure that I was witness to.
In this introductory part I wish to include the following first hand report of Bangabandhu's address at the United Nations and his meeting with President Ford in Washington.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's voice filled the large hall of the United Nations General Assembly as he addressed the august body in Bangla on Wednesday, September 25, 1974. Bangladesh's formal admission into the world body as a full member formalized just a week earlier, the founding father of the sovereign nation-State of Bangladesh addressed the full house
in a robust eloquent voice.
It was a historic day for Bangladesh when Its supreme leader, the tall, handsome Bangabandhu delivered his speech in measured cadences as the distinguished audience comprising heads of states and governments and foreign ministers and ambassadors listened in rapt attention. The moment he finished, they gave him a rousing, prolonged applause as they did when he ascended the rostrum and began his delivery.
U.N. Secretary General Kurt Waldheim and the General Assembly President Abdelaziz Boutflika warmly received Bangabandhu. And assembled world leaders and top diplomats gathered around him, shook hands with him and greeted him.
It was a rare and distinct privilege and a deeply moving occasion for me as a journalist to have been present in the press gallery and be an eyewitness to this momentous occasion.
Bangabandhu's use of Bangla for his address was an extraordinary moment in time, the first time the language was officially uttered there. Twenty five years later, in 1999, the UNESCO declared and subsequently the U.N. General Assembly approved February 21 as the International Mother Languages Day in commemoration of the Bangla Language Martyrs' Day (Shahid Dibash). This Day is observed in Bangladesh to honor the martyrs gunned down on the Dhaka University campus on February 21, 1952 as they peacefully marched for recognition of Bangla as an official language of Pakistan. (Bangladesh was then a part of that country). 
Two days after his address to the United Nations, Bangabandhu travelled to Washington D.C. and met with Gerald R. Ford, President of the United States, at the White House at his invitation. It was the Government of this United States that did everything within its power to sabotage and undermine Bangladesh's War of Liberation in 1971 with a view to forestalling its emergence as a sovereign nation. Once Bangladesh achieved independence defeating Pakistan on December 16, 1971, the U.S. created many impediments in the way of Bangladesh's Herculean struggle to rebuild the war ravaged country and rehabilitate nearly ten million uprooted people.
It needs to be mentioned here that there has been a sporadic trickle of information that points to some advance knowledge of the United States Government about and various communications of its personnel with the conspirators who assassinated Bangabandhu and most of his family on the night of August 15, 1975.
As a journalist from ENA  assigned to the office of Bangabandhu, I had the privilege to cover many events, travel with him to many places within the country, observe various personages and witness many things.
I was present at and reported on the occasion when Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman took the salute from the allied armed forces personnel of India before their departure from Bangladesh pursuant to his request to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
I covered Mrs. Gandhi's visit to Dhaka for talks with Bangabandhu.
I covered the visits to Bangladesh of President Anwar Sadat of Egypt and President Joseph B. Tito of Yugoslavia.
I covered debates in the Constituent Assembly on the draft Constitution of Bangladesh and the the historic session where the 1972 Constitution was approved.
I travelled with Bangabandhu to many of his public meetings at various places inside the country before the parliamentary elections in 1973 based on the newly adopted Constitution.
I was present at the session of the Bangladesh Parliament (the Jatio Sangsad) and reported on the passage of the Constitutional Amendment changing Bangladesh from a Parliamentary to Presidential system, electing Bangabandhu as the the President and his swearing-in ceremony immediately thereafter inside the Parliament building.
On my promotion as News Editor of ENA in December, 1974 I lost my privileged perch at Ganobhaban and mostly remained sequestered in the office overseeing and managing the newsroom.
And lastly,
I was present in Dhaka on the heinous night of August 15, 1975 when Bangabandhu was assassinated along with most of his family members (his two daughters Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana and Sheikh Hasina's little son Sajib Wazed Joy survived as they were in Germany with Dr. Wazed Miah, Sheikh Hasina's husband who was doing his post-doctoral research there at the time). 
During that time I lived with my wife and three little sons at a second floor flat in Kakrail, adjacent to National Awami Party President Professor Muzaffar Ahmad's residence.
I have some painful memories to recollect from that night/morning/day of infamy and of the subsequent dark days.
I was in Dhaka when Gen. Khaled Mosharraf was murdered.
I was present in Dhaka when the four national leaders (Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmad, Captain Mansur Ali and AHM Kamaruzzam), Bangabandhu's close colleagues and lieutenants were killed inside the Dhaka Central Prison.
Myself, and I'm sure, many others including some of our journalist friends, witnessed many ominous and tell-tale signs of the fomenting of discord and dissension and the gathering clouds of the conspiracy that plunged its poisonous sword into the very heart of the nation when it cut down the founding father.
Within the limitations of my intellectual and mental ability, I will try to elaborate on and shed light, during my presentation, upon some of the above-mentioned points, issues and of men and matters.